Wednesday, November 3, 2010

God's Dachshund, Part VII - Tacit Corrections



In our preceding feature on Pope Benedict’s papacy we reported on his Apostolic Visit to England where he insisted that the Church -- as guardian of a tradition which had infused European civilization from its inception -- had a political role to play in the guidance and “correction” of public policy.

In the Pope’s view this role was not claimed by the Church as a mere societal interest group among others but fell to her as the correlative of a dialectical balance between “reason and faith” which are mutually tempering and either of which, alone, becomes a pathological superstition.

There are, no doubt, those who will reject the idea that the Church has any special historical or dialectical claim on the formulation of public policy. For those who are at all receptive, the Pope’s claim might sound very fine in gross but they might wonder what it looks like in the net. As it turns out, Benedict’s message in England was presaged by his remarks a week earlier to the German Ambassador to the Holy See.

At that time, the Pope gave an example of the Church’s corrective role by warning against the increasing acceptance of gay marriage by societies around the world. Such alternative unions, the Pope said, contributed “to the relativisation of all legislation and to a confusion of values in society.”

To a certain ear, Benedict’s remarks were nothing short of outrageous; for he had, in effect, said that gay marriage could not be sanctioned because it would confuse straights.

Although the Pope’s remarks were not reported in the English speaking press (or for that matter anywhere else other than the Mexican progressive daily, La Jornada), it is not hard to imagine what the reaction from the atheist, socialist, LGBT and liberal Catholic communities would have been had they been made generally known.

To homosexuals in particular, such remarks could not but be regarded as almost spitefully hurtful and could not but heighten the intense opprobrium in which Benedict is held by a majority of gays and lesbians.

We here at the chipstack would like to offer a contrary assessment. It appears to us that when the Benedict’s remarks are read -- as they must be -- within the context of Catholic terminology and tradition, what is astonishing is what the Pope did not say.

Parsed to its essence, the Pope made an effect-based sociological argument which even when indulged was not very convincing. However, he avoided making a sacramental argument which is surprising given that marriage is, after all, considered a sacrament. More surprising still, he refrained from making an argument based either on the so called moral natural law or on Scripture which are precisely the types of “corrective” contributions he has said the Church should make to the discussion of public policy.

When these omissions are read in light of Benedict’s other writings on eros, love and scriptural exegesis, it rather appears that he is fundamentally “rearranging” the Church’s doctrines on sex and, as a correlative consequence, positioning the Church for full acceptance of homosexual unions.



I
Cohesion & Confusion
(What Benedict Said)

We begin our chipping by looking carefully at what the Pope did say. In its essential contours, Benedict’s remarks (given in German and Italian) affirmed that marriage was a union of man and woman, that the success of this union depended both on personal commitment and societal support and that, in this sense, alternative partnership models introduced a “confusion” into society which weakened the support structure for traditional marriage.

“The Church views with concern the increasing tendency to eliminate the christian concept of marriage and the family from society’s consciousness.

“Marriage manifests and unfolds itself [si manifesta/entfaltet sich] as a lasting union of love between a man and a woman, which tends toward the transmission of human life.

“One of its predicate conditions is the disposition of both partners to ever maintain a mutual committment [bereitschaft/rapportarsi]for one another.

“For this both a personal maturity and a fundamental existential and social orientation [und einer existentiellen und sozialen Grunhaltung (basic-position)/atteggiamento (attitude)] is necessary.

“The existence of this "personal culture" also depends on social developments. So that it may be prepared [vorbereitung] and supported [begleitung], what is needed is the shaping of a (social)foundation [rahmenbedingungen / condizione di basi] that will elevate this personal culture and foster its unfolding development.

“The success of marriage depends on all of us and on the personal culture of each citizen. In this sense the Church cannot approve of those legislative initiatives that implicate a reevaluation (Aufwertung) of alternative models of partner-schaft and family life.

“This contributes to a weakening of the principles of natural law and, as a consequence, to the relativisation of all legislation and to a confusion of values in society.”
At first reading, the Pope’s remarks manifest themselves as yet another grating instance of homiletics on homos. However, instead of the usual condemnations of homosexuality based on scriptural authorities, Benedict resorted to a merely expedient argument based on the alleged deleterious sociological effects on heterosexual unions.

In law, this type of polemic is known as a “parade of horribles”. It is the weakest possible argument that can be made because it argues from conjectured effects rather than from known causes. In this case, the effects, in addition to being conjectural, were tenuous to say the least.

But Pope Benedict is not a stupid man. He is an intelligent, informed and careful writer. Thus, before crumpling the remarks and tossing them into the trash can, it warrants taking a closer look at what he said and to unfold, for those who may not be conversant with Catholic terminology, what was latent in his remarks.

(Personal Prelatures & Cultures)

Key to understanding what the Pope said was his reference to a “personal culture” since it was that thing which he said required personal committment and social support. What exactly was he talking about?

The Pope’s reference to a “personal culture” most certainly did not mean “my own little pot-pourri of personal values and nifty things”. The term “personal culture” is a modern variant of what Thomist theology referred to as habitus -- a habit of virtues or (as we might say) a committed mode of being and conduct.

Pope John Paul II’s choice of the phrase “personal culture” as an equivalent of habitus would appear to be linked to the Catholic concept of a “personal prelature”. A personal prelature is an institution comprised of clergy and lay members which is dedicated to carrying out specific pastoral activities. The word “personal” refers to the fact that the organization is not tied to any particular diocese or place but rather follows upon and is exists within a movable network of individuals. Thus, whereas a priest or monk carries out his mission in connection with a specified place, a person who belongs to a personal prelature, such as Opus Dei, commits to carrying out certain defined pastoral tasks in society wherever he or she may be.

Such tasks are comprised of what used to be called the outer or “active” social virtues. Although they clearly include works of charity, the concept of prelature encompasses any action-in-the-world on which Christian values can be brought to bear.

Within this framework, the term “personal culture” refers to the more individually focused aspect of personal prelatures and virtues. For example, in addition to their more outwardly focused activities, members of Opus Dei undertake to abide by certain “contemplative” virtues relating to their spiritual purification and development as individuals.

However, as used by John Paul II and Benedict, the concept of “personal culture” is not limited to members of an organized prelature. It is, rather, the first rung on a ladder of commitments which applies to all of us living our lives in society whether as partners or individuals. While this “personal culture” can include our own purely individual charitable undertakings, it most primarily refers to a habit of being and acting with respect to oneself.

Thus, when Benedict refers to marriage as a “personal culture” he means more than the legalization of cohabitation -- the putting of an official stamp on “our union” and “what we do as a family unit”. The Church regards marriage as an aspect of christian discipline.

To say as much may sound like nails screeching on the chalk board. Indeed, for many years the Church did little to discourage the view that sex was a dirty thing redeemed only within marriage and harnessed to pushing the human race forward.

But that is definitely not the kind of discipline Benedict has in mind. In his view, marriage involves a process of ascending love -- a process that begins with sexual attraction but proceeds to higher forms of affection in a progression of widening and deepening knowing of and caring for the partner. The culture of marriage is a process that involves a habit of being with one another and ultimately together. As he said in his first encyclical,

"Eros tends to rise 'in ecstasy' towards the Divine, to lead us beyond ourselves; yet for this very reason it calls for a path of ascent, renunciation, purification and healing. ... [¶]... It is part of love's growth towards higher levels and inward purification that it now seeks to become definitive, and it does so in a twofold sense: both in the sense of exclusivity (this particular person alone) and in the sense of being “for ever”. ... [¶]... eros and agape — ascending love and descending love— can never be completely separated. The more the two, in their different aspects, find a proper unity in the one reality of love, the more the true nature of love in general is realized. (Deus Caritas Est, §§ 5, 6, 7.)
Thus, when Benedict refers to marriage as a personal culture, it must be assumed he has the forgoing context in mind. Neither he, nor the Church as a continuum, is stupid. He knows that self-indulgent lust -- even rape -- can occur just as well within marriage as without. In fact, in some cultures marriage has been little more than a nihil obstat to a man’s demanded “conjugal rights”. Calling cohabitation a “marriage” (with all the requisite paperwork) does not make whatever goes on (behind the seal of approval) right. Focusing on what goes on, Benedict’s concept of discipline is not to “blow the whistle” on erotic urges (Op.Cit., § 4) by immersing one’s self in a cold shower but rather to foster a habit of being where eros and caring become intertwined. It is surprising how little credit he is given for this shift in focus.

That said, Benedict’s reference to a “personal culture” should not be misread as referring simply to a personal choice of culture. For Benedict, a culture of the person is ultimately grounded in the idea that man is a social animal: he does nothing alone and can achieve nothing alone. The success and maturation of a “personal” union is in fact a social event and reality.

(A Tapestry of Being)

The American reader is almost entirely tone-deaf to what Europeans and Ibero-Americans understand by “social animal”. They do not mean that unit-man lives “in a group” with the other units with which he “inter-acts”. This disconnected, sociological, Millsian view is regarded as a form of intellectual primitivism. For Benedict, the question “who am I” is inextricably interwoven with the question “who are we”. As Socrates put it almost two and half millennia ago, he could not flee to safety because “Outside of Athens, Socrates is not Socrates.”

None other than Fellini agreed. In a short but astonishing scene in Satyricon, a mature, senatorial man-and-wife, quietly hold hands on a garden bench and commit mutual suicide. They did so, manifestly, because “established” as they were, they could not continue on as what they wanted to be in a society that had otherwise completely degenerated -- that was no longer a society but simply an aggregation of individual lusts and impulses.

The interwoven nature of the one and the many is illustrated if we ask: what did Socrates, as an individual, do? Socrates went about posing riddles and cunundra to young men of a certain breeding. If this were merely a matter of talking, Socrates could have talked as much to a Persian. But the dialogues would not have been as we know them. Their “tissue”, their flesh and blood -- or to put it in technical academic terms the ergon (dramatic work) -- of the dialogue would be entirely different.

Socrates’ conversations presupposed and proceeded from a shared, substantive common reference. This shared reference went beyond the mere possession of logical faculties and physical appetites common to all men. If the dialogues were only a matter of logos they would consist of a collection of ascending theorems, instead of the dramatic philosophy that has delighted generations of readers. Analogous to eros and agape, the ergon and logos of the dialogues bear an intimate, mutually sustaining and defining relation. The scene, the characters, their cultural and historical references, even their names, become the embodiment of the logical argument which they support, limit and color. It is in this sense that the manifestation of that phenomenon we know as “Socrates” cannot exist apart from the phenomenon we know as “Athens”.

This identification between the individual and the social is both limiting and empowering. We derive “inputs” from our social context which, at the same time, channel and delimit our outputs.

We all recognize this individually defining social context although we tend to ignore it at the same time. When, for example, I see Frenchmen dancing in the streets in their sabots celebrating their national holiday, I recognize what they are doing as something that I do myself with respect to my own country. But do I share what they are feeling? Heroes, histories, food and song, literature and legend, haunts in Paris and nostalgic memories wrapped around a particular popular childhood candy or Proust’s Madelaine -- all these recollected ingredients get morticed into a paste of a particular texture and taste known as “being French”. Can I share their patriotism? No, because it is not mine. If it were mine I would be them. To say that man is a social animal means that he shares with his society that complex of particularities that makes up who he remembers himself to be and that comprises the habit of how he thinks, feels and acts.

Thus, when Benedict stated that marriage was a personal culture placed within the larger social framework he meant something more organic than a collection coupled units existing within a certain degree of proximity to one another. The proper metaphor is rather portraits of individual figures within a tapestry made of interwoven strands sharing a common weave. For Benedict, marriage is an act which is both intimate and private and socially public at the same time. The pilgrimage of two people toward an ever enduring and deepening oneness depends on their walking within a pilgrimage of society winding in the same direction.

With all of the foregoing in mind, it can perhaps be seen that the Pope’s “effect-based” argument was somewhat more substantive than simply saying John and John can’t hold hands in public because it might confuse John and Mary. For Benedict both society and culture are something more than an aggregation of proximate instances. A pull on one strand of the tapestry necessarily affects and shapes a figure that only appears to be apart.

In sum, Benedict's remarks to the ambassador made a strong weak argument which was premised on the necessity for cultural cohesion and which raised the question of just how pluralistic a society can become before it ceases to be a society in the integral social sense we have described, and at which point we, as individuals, become un-interwoven threads in the wind.

II
Alienation & Recognition
(The Omitted Sacrament)

Nevertheless, having indulged Benedict’s argument in so far as we are able without cutting an entirely new argument out of different cloth, the question remains why he avoided mentioning what any Catholic would expect to hear. For the Church, marriage is not simply a social event or a cultural manifestation but, most cardinally, a sacramental act. Having made an argument based on the cultural ergon of marriage, why did Benedict refrain from taking the argument further into the liturgeia of holy matrimony?

In search of an answer, we propose to take Benedict’s “cultural effects” argument and “port” it into a sacramental context -- to gild the lily as it were -- to see where it might lead.

(A Confusing Effect on Sacramental Ergon)

We can begin the gilding with Benedict’s own statement that faith itself is a social act.

“Faith is a habitus, that is, a stable disposition of the spirit, through which eternal life takes root in us and reason is led to consent to what it does not see .” (Spe Salvi § 7.)

“Faith is not merely a personal reaching out towards things to come that are still totally absent: ... Faith draws the [hoped for and promised] future into the present, so that ... the present is touched by the future reality, and thus the things of the future spill over into those of the present . (Ibid.)

“[Unlike “passing through the battlefields with a rose in hand”], salvation has always been considered a ‘social’ reality. ... sin is understood by the Fathers as the destruction of the unity of the human race, as fragmentation and division. ... Hence “redemption” appears as the reestablishment of unity, in which we come together once more in a union that begins to take shape in the world community of believers.

“This real life, towards which we try to reach out again and again, is linked to a lived union with a ‘people’, and for each individual it can only be attained within this ‘we’. It presupposes that we escape from the prison of our ‘I’.”

In these passages, Benedict gave the highest expression to the concept of man as a social animal as we have previously described it; and, from this premise of faith as a social reality, the argument that homosexual marriage created a sacramental confusion would go something like this:

If salvation is subjectively personal, then it is just a matter of me holding onto myself within the maelstrom of “all of everything else out there”. One is, as the saying goes, “chaff in the wind.”

If, on the other hand, faith is a social reality, then salvation comes from being interconnected with “all of everything else out there”. One’s faith acquires an “objective” force because it is an objective reality.

This objective reality means that one’s individual faith derives not simply “support” but rather its very vitality (vis) from the body of the faithful. At the same time, decisions as to what an individual should do or want to be are no longer grounded in his subjectivity. They are imposed and constrained by the “we”.

But faith most decisively includes sacramental life. The sacrament of marriage is not just “me and you” but me and you within the witnessing of all of us. The “All” see themselves in the couple just as the couple finds themself in the likeness and continuity of the whole.

This “witnessing” is not an abstraction. The unity of marriage is not a concept but an incarnation. What enters into the social equation is not a theoretical variable but a particular, flesh and blood force. As a purely mathematical question (as a logos) 1 + 1 = 2 and a married pair is at best a “couple” a “(1+1)”. It is only in the ergon of incarnation that we see the mystery of 1 + 1 = 1.

It is precisely here -- in the incarnate unity of two persons -- that the surrounding community of heterosexual faithful cannot see their likeness in a homosexual couple because there is no incarnate likeness in them. There is a concept (a logos) of “unity” but the ergon is alien.

Accordingly, what “alternative unions” introduce into sacramental life is an alienation. We do not see Us in You. A confusion, a contrary weave, has been introduced into the corporate body of the faithful, into man as a sacramental being.

If this argumentation sounds repetitive; it is. To say as much is still to advance a polemic that argues on the basis of sociological effects, only it does so with a sacramental gilding. However, once the underlying logic of Benedict’s effect-based argument is cast into the ergon of sacramental life, it reveals itself to be fundamentally anti-Christian.

(Rutting Hedgehogs & the Logos Of Christianity)

For, if the “recognition” that is the precondition and life blood of “faith” demands homogeneous particularity then it excludes heteronomous otherness from the communion of the faithful. At this point, the argument falls into a contradiction that contravenes the essential spirit (Logos) of Christianity -- the one that led St Paul to go and preach to the Gentiles.

How much identity is required for sacramental effectiveness? Does recognition between black and white couple become an abstraction? Quite literally, a white couple do not “see themselves” in a black pair, so already we are at some level of abstraction in our shared recognition.

Furthermore, we all know that we have different sexual tastes. Do we only recognize other couples in so far as we imagine their ergon to be engaging, like us to be sure, in approved vaginal sex? Do we have to consciously ignore that they may engage in acts we may consider a little short of disgusting, for ourselves. And if so, then how much of our putatively unconfused, incarnate recognition boils down fantasized sacramental kitsch?

The notion that community (or communion) requires identity ends up making as much of a destructive fetish of social being as hyper-individuality. It is simply not true that radical differences necessarily implicate confusion.

We laugh when we see animals rutting, because what we recognize (rather incarnately) is that the same ludicrous compelling drive that drives us, drives them, even if we have no desire to share in their particular manifestation of lust. There is recognition without confusion. Is it to be said, then, that we can recognize “ourselves” in a rutting male and female hedgehog, but can’t see our humanity reflected in the mating of two men?

The fallacy of the “confused effects” argument is that there is a difference between “imagining” and “recognizing”. If I imagine myself as a partner in a homosexual union, I necessarily envision myself engaging in a sexual act with another man; for example, sodomy. As a straight man, I would be disgusted by the thought. Am I less “alienated” from the envisioned reality if I imagine myself engaging in a sexual act with a female hedgehog? The fact that we can laugh at the sight of rutting hedgehogs and feel a kind of recognitive sympathy with them illustrates the difference between “imagining one’s self in the place of another” and “being aware of the commonality shared with another at some level.”

One can accept the social-sacramental premise and yet still acknowledge that there are levels of recognition -- levels which notwithstanding differences of degree and completeness are still incarnate and more than mere abstractions. What is in fact “recognized” in the sacrament of marriage is the fact of struggling, maturing, ongoing commitment inspired by attraction and sustained by hopes.

It is at this point that one can see why Benedict did not gild his argument with sacramental references. In Deus Caritas Est, quoted above, Benedict espoused the view that erotic love ascends to agape (caritas) in a process that was,

“an ongoing exodus out of the closed inward looking self towards its liberation through self giving, and thus towards authentic self discovery.” (Deus Caritas Est, §6.)

The effect-based argument, put into sacramental terms, ends up saying that because we cannot “recognize” homosexual unity at an erotic level we are embarrassed from recognizing it at the very higher level of caring the sacrament exists to foster and attain. Not only is this inconsistent with the sacramental process of marriage, it is not compatible with Benedict's understanding of the Eucharist as the means through which estrangement is transformed into communion.

In our predominately heterosexual culture, two males kissing is an arresting sight. As arresting no doubt, as 2000 years ago, it was to see the slave and the freeborn sitting down at table in Christ. In Spe Salvi, Benedict cited this “bridging” ergon (i.e. sacramental liturgeia) as essential to the Logos of Christianity.

“Those who, as far as their civil status is concerned, stand in relation to one an other as masters and slaves, inasmuch as they are members of the one Church have become brothers and sisters—this is how Christians addressed one another. By virtue of their Baptism they had been reborn, they had been given to drink of the same Spirit and they received the Body of the Lord together, alongside one another. Even if external structures remained unaltered, this changed society from within. (Spe Salvi, § 4.)
There were those early “Christians” who wanted to restrain The Message to the circumscribed Jewish “us” precisely on the grounds that to do otherwise would be to introduce a “confusion” in the body of the faithful. The “other” could gain admission but only if he circumcised himself, cut off his flesh and renounced what he was. Had this faction succeeded there would be -- to put it simply -- no Vatican from whose porticoes the Pope could preach.

Thus, to maintain that sacramental efficacy is lost with the introduction of a confusing otherness into the body of the faithful contradicts the logos of the Eucharistic sacrament and constitutes a fundamental denial of the essence of Christianity. If radical otherness is not destructive of the Eucharist how and on what basis is it “inconsistent” with marriage, or baptism or extreme unction?

While we can never entirely penetrate the otherness of the Pope’s mind, what can be said is that Benedict did not make any attempt at a sacramental argument. This is not to say that Benedict’s concept of “personal culture” within an organic social fabric is nothing he believes in. On the contrary, the concept of integrated communality is central to his thinking; and indeed, the theological review he founded with his mentor, Hans Urs von Balthasar, was entitled Comunio. It is, however, to point out that the argument he made to the ambassador went no further than to assert a deleterious sociological effect on a heterosexual couple’s habit of marriage. The idea that homosexuals were not capable of "erotic-caring" as he had previously described it, or the notion that alien otherness undermined sacramental efficacy was, evidently, not a direction in which he wished to go.

III
Diverting the Flow
(The Natural Law Argument that Wasn't)

Of course, if homosexual conduct were an intrinsic moral wrong, there could be no question of it forming the underlying basis of a sacrament. But in addition to eschewing a sacramental argument, Benedict also refrained from asserting the usual moral arguments based on the natural law.

The tip-off that he was headed in another direction came at the outset,

“Marriage manifests and unfolds itself as a lasting union of love between a man and a woman, which tends toward the transmission of human life."

As already remarked the words "manifest” and “unfolds” implicated a positivist sociological argument in contrast to a theological one flowing from an a priori definition of marriage. Similarly, the word “tends” implicated a departure from stock-in-trade natural law arguments to the effect that the sole redeeming purpose of sex is the propagation of the species.

To understand the departure and its significance, it is necessary to briefly summarize how the Church’s natural law arguments work.

The strength of positivist arguments is that they are anchored in positive facts. Their weakness is that, where humans are concerned, “hard facts” are susceptible to soft change. The empirical laws of physics may perhaps be immutable but human conduct is nothing if not disparate and changeable. Because human conduct manifests itself in varying and discordant ways, no universal, immutable law can be based on such observed practices. This fact induces recourse to a supposed “natural law” which underlies different cultural usages and customs but which is itself universal and immutable.

In the West, the existence of a natural law (or ius gentium) was theorized by Greco-Roman philosophers and jurists who were looking for “commonalities” among the very different groups of people that got lumped together under the greater cultural umbrella of the Roman Empire. An example will suffice to explain the idea: It may be that Jews won’t eat pork, that Gauls gorge themselves on pigs and that Greeks prefer lamb and olives but all men desire to eat. From this empirical observation we can conclude that the desire to eat is a “natural law” that moves all men regardless of their particular tastes in food or the availability of avocados.

The early Church Fathers, cribbed the idea of a natural law from Cato and used it to even out bumps and putty up holes in the moral law, as deducible solely from Scripture. While no rationalist can complain about deducing natural laws from empirical observation, the unfortunate fact was that, in the hands of monks and cardinals, the natural law got used in a rather logically loose and, ultimately, rhetorical fashion. Nowhere was the defectiveness of the analytical process more evident than in the Church’s condemnation of homosexuality.

In this respect, the traditional natural law argument was strictly teleological, viz: The purpose of sex is to procreate the race. Therefore, sex which conforms to this final purpose is “natural” and sex which does not goes against nature. Spilling or bagging seed goes against the “natural flow”, unsheathed, full-flowing, vaginal sex with a woman is “within” the natural flow of things.

What is astonishing is not the intrinsic absurdity of the argument as much as how many wise and learned men have fallen for it. No less an authority than the profound genius Emmanuel Kant argued that masturbation was a crime “akin” to suicide because monkeys didn’t do it. (Lectures on Ethics) What got served up here was simply an argument by metaphor erected on a failure observation.

The fallacy in the natural law argument consists in arguing from an indisputable biological function (sex does serve to propagate) to moral intent (sex must serve to propagate). If one were to make moral rules out of the full panoply of observed animal behavior, life would be nasty, brutish and short indeed.

But even without reference to the causative flaw in the reasoning process, the effects of the putative conclusion leads inexorably to a reductio ad absurdum. For, if all sexual activity is natural or unnatural according as it conforms to a procreative purpose then a child can see that couples who are incapable of bearing children should not have sex. It hardly escapes the reductio to make embarrassed appeals to “intentionality” and the ever present possibility of “miracles” above and beyond the “natural flow”.

It is with this background in mind that one should contrast the Pope’s remarks to the ambassador when he said:

“These [alternative partnerships] contribute to the weakening of natural law principles and, thus, to the relativisation of legislation and a confusion of values in society.”

“It is a principle of christian faith, anchored in the natural law, that every human person merits personal protection in situations of weakness.”

“We cannot gainsay the developments in the biological sciences [referencing artificial insemination and sex change operations] but we ought to be very vigilant...”

These remarks were the only reference the Pope made to the natural law and while they may sound harsh, their bark was far worse than their bite.

In the first instance, Benedict’s remarks subtly shifted the focus from sex per se to the issue of marriage partnerships. It would be an easy thing to argue that homosexuality is intrinsically wrong and therefore there could be no question of condoning much less sanctifying what was sinful. But the Pope made no such argument. He simply skipped over sexual/procreative teleology and talked about “partnership” as a thing in itself. While this left open a path to beat a retreat (i.e. “well... i wasn’t talking about sex per se...”) it still shifted the entire focus of the argument away from the traditional natural law purpose of sex.

When it came to invoking the natural law by name, the avoidance was stunning. In place of the standard and expected rubric “that the institution of marriage exists to promote the propagation of human life” the Pope invoked a supposed natural law of deserved “personal protection in moments of weakness.” On what empirical basis such a natural law was deduced, we need not ask; on whatever basis, it was not the natural law that demands heterosexually procreative sex.

Finally, as if the retreat were not beat far enough, when it came to alternative forms of procreation, Benedict refrained from blasting the biological sciences in Frankenstein mode and instead called for “vigilance” -- a mild caution no reasonable person could object to.

Thus, while he referenced the natural law three times (explicitly twice and once by implication), the Pope eschewed a natural-law definition of sex or marriage and instead stood firmly on the cornerstone of positivism and cautious pragmatism. As a man with a finely tuned sense for the nuance of words, it is again very difficult to believe that any of this was inadvertent.

IV
A Clear and Consistent Condemnation
(The Bible not Thumped)

Nor could it have been inadvertent that not once during his remarks did the Pope make the slightest allusion to Scripture. Instead, the Pope’s comments, quoted above, contained a curious foot-shuffling reference to “principles” of faith being “anchored” in reason.

The dichotomy, accepted by the Church Fathers from the Second Century onward has been that faith and reason (by which the natural law is deduced) stand as separate sources of knowledge. According to St. Thomas Aquinas, faith and reason can collaborate but when push comes to shove the conclusions arrived at by reason must be tethered to revelation as revealed by Scripture. St.Anselm put it simply when he wrote: “I do not seek to understand in order that I may believe; but I believe in order to understand.”

It could justifiably be said that the entire “premise” of the Church is that we are enlightened and guided by Scripture. And yet, instead of maintaining at least a toe hold on the Rock of Revelation, the direction of the Pope’s “anchoring” signaled that he was not going to make an argument based on Holy Scripture.

Benedict certainly knows what the scriptural argument is because he himself has made it. In 1986, ghosting for Pope John Paul II, then Cardinal Ratziner wrote that the “complex issue” of homosexuality warranted “learn[ing] from scientific discovery” but that insofar as the Church’s tradition was concerned biblical exegesis indicated that “there is ... a clear consistency within the Scriptures themselves on the moral issue of homosexual behaviour.” Ratzinger continued,

"5. It is quite true that the Biblical literature owes to the different epochs in which it was written a good deal of its varied patterns of thought and expression (Dei Verbum 12). The Church today addresses the Gospel to a world which differs in many ways from ancient days.

"What should be noticed is that, in the presence of such remarkable diversity, there is nevertheless a clear consistency within the Scriptures themselves on the moral issue of homosexual behaviour. The Church's doctrine regarding this issue is thus based, not on isolated phrases for facile theological argument, but on the solid foundation of a constant Biblical testimony. ....

"Providing a basic plan for understanding this entire discussion of homosexuality is the theology of creation we find in Genesis. God, in his infinite wisdom and love, brings into existence all of reality as a reflection of his goodness. He fashions mankind, male and female, in his own image and likeness. Human beings, therefore, are nothing less than the work of God himself; and in the complementarity of the sexes, they are called to reflect the inner unity of the Creator. They do this in a striking way in their cooperation with him in the transmission of life by a mutual donation of the self to the other.

"In Genesis 3, we find that this truth about persons being an image of God has been obscured by original sin. ... Thus, in Genesis 19:1-11, the deterioration due to sin continues in the story of the men of Sodom. There can be no doubt of the moral judgement made there against homosexual relations. In Leviticus 18:22 and 20:13, in the course of describing the conditions necessary for belonging to the Chosen People, the author excludes from the People of God those who behave in a homosexual fashion.

"Against the background of this exposition of theocratic law, an eschatological perspective is developed by St. Paul when, in I Corinthians 6:9, he ... lists those who behave in a homosexual fashion among those who shall not enter the Kingdom of God. In Romans 1:18-32, ... Paul uses homosexual behaviour as an example of the blindness which has overcome humankind. Instead of the original harmony between Creator and creatures, the acute distortion of idolatry has led to all kinds of moral excess. Paul is at a loss to find a clearer example of this disharmony than homosexual relations. Finally, 1 Timothy 1, in full continuity with the Biblical position, ... explicitly names as sinners those who engage in homosexual acts. (Letter to Bishops on Pastoral Care of Homosexual Persons, October 1986, § 5).
Although copiously fleshed out with citations, the argument proffered was basically simple: Although many things change, some things are immutable; from the beginning, Scripture has consistently taught that the complimentary and procreative unity of man and woman is a reflection of God’s unity and that homosexual relations contravene “the covenantal character of the union these persons had with God and with each other.”

The brevity into which the argument can be distilled answers any protest that the Pope was, after all, only speaking to an ambassador, which is not typically an occasion for theological disquisitions. While that is true, the Pope, on his own initiative, chose to broach a controversial moral topic and in doing so refrained from even an easy, concise and simple allusion to the Church’s scriptural teaching.

Although there is a mild echo between the Letter’s reference to “disharmony” and the Pope’s more recent concern over “confusion”, what is more salient is that where an allusion to Scripture would have most fit in, Benedict inverted the anchoring. Instead of stating that the natural law reflected the Creator’s purpose as revealed in Scripture, he spoke of some vague principle of faith anchored in a putative natural law principle of protecting the weak.

Benedict’s omission of a scriptural argument was not the mere omission of an item on an a la carte menu. Although we have analyzed arguments separately, the Church’s traditional polemic has consisted of an integrated triad of scriptural, sacramental and natural law components which are mutually supportive. The Church does not proffer a series of arguments each on their own terms, but rather a unity of three arguments in one. Thus, after citing the Scriptural premises quoted above, the Pastoral Letter continued,

"The Church, obedient to the Lord who founded her and gave to her the sacramental life, celebrates the divine plan of the loving and life-giving union of men and women in the sacrament of marriage. It is only in the marital relationship that the use of the sexual faculty can be morally good. A person engaging in homosexual behaviour therefore acts immorally.

"To chose someone of the same sex for one's sexual activity is to annul the rich symbolism and meaning, not to mention the goals, of the Creator's sexual design. Homosexual activity is not a complementary union, able to transmit life; and so it thwarts the call to a life of that form of selfgiving which the Gospel says is the essence of Christian living." (Op. Cit., § 7.)
In these passages, sacramental life, natural law and Scripture are tightly intertwined into a consistent triune whole. As Benedict certainly knows, the underlying principle of procreating life is the common thread which hooks and unifies the three component parts: i.e., the material re-generation that occurs in nature reflects the final creative purpose of all life as revealed in Genesis and, within this reflective polarity, the Sacrament of Marriage effectively connects the Logos of Creation with the Ergon of Natural regenerative life by means of a social institution that is at once spiritual and corporal and through which man cooperates with Nature and God.

Even if the argument is, at bottom, merely rhetorical it is certainly stronger than the argument Benedict did make which was simply conjectural.

V
Continuity & Change
(The Collective Intuition of Truth)

The fact that the Pope did not make an argument would hardly seem to be news. But as previously noted Benedict’s remarks to the ambassador served as a run-up to his Apostolic Visit to England during which the Pope reiterated a consistent theme that the Church, as the guardian and bearer of faith, had a political role in counterbalance to the State as the manifestation of reason.

As stated, that theme derived from Benedict’s conviction that, unchecked and taken to extremes, both reason and faith become forms of superstition that lead to pathological results. Reason and faith need one another to temper their excesses, and it has been the traditional role of the Church to harmonize the two.

Accordingly, during his address at Westminster Hall, the Pope was very clear that, in discharging its political role, it was not the Church’s place to substitute its own arguments based on an exercise of pragmatic reason for those of the State, but rather to “correct” the conclusions reached by the secular authorities based on a magisterium grounded in scriptural tradition.

Thus, whether or not that gambit is accepted, it was a little more than puzzling, that during a foretaste of the kind of corrections the Pope had in mind, he fell back entirely on a pragmatic, sociological argument almost entirely devoid of all the traditional components we have described.

The solution to the puzzlement is to be found in the fact that an omission -- which is itself no thing -- gives rise to a space for something else; so that the significance of the omission depends on the offing in the wings.

With this in mind, it seems to us that Benedict did not simply “omit” to make certain arguments but is rather slowly shifting the Church’s orientation on sexual matters. To see how this might be so, it is first necessary to recapitulate what the Church means by “scriptural tradition”.

(Scripture & Tradition)

As apt a definition as any was in fact given in the Pastoral Letter of 1986,

“It is likewise essential to recognize that the Scriptures are not properly understood when they are interpreted in a way which contradicts the Church's living Tradition. To be correct, the interpretation of Scripture must be in substantial accord with that Tradition.”
Such a definition stands the Protestant, and certainly the Fundamentalist, position on its head. For most Americans (including unfortunately many Catholics), a “scriptural” argument means citing Scripture as a kind of immutable statute or as an axiom on the basis of which an argument is then erected like some species of geometric proof. Not surprisingly, despite multiple convictions of bed-rock certainty, the result is a Babelonian pandemonium.

The Catholic Church has never viewed Scripture in such simplistic terms. As stated in Benedict’s Regensburg Address (2006), Holy Scripture is rather the written core of an ongoing process (“...the process which started at the burning bush [and] came to new maturity...”). Certainly, tradition is anchored in Scripture; however, what the scripture means is not simply a question of what any one person thinks it means but what the collective “we” have understood and continue to understand it to mean. In other words, truth is not personal conviction but a social understanding.

Benedict summarized the dynamic relationship between a written scripture and social understanding in the Introduction to his book “Jesus of Nazareth” (Ignatius Press, 2007). He took as his premise that historical criticism was “indispensible” to Biblical exegesis. (Op. Cit., p. xv.) What this means is that the stories and accounts in the Bible have to be read and understood in light of the customs and usages of the time in which they were written. It is not enough to extract some (often mistranslated) dictum and thump on it out of context.

However, Benedict went on to caution that attempting to understand the past in terms of the past, even with the “greatest possible precision” can only lead so far. It remains, a thing of the past that at most has only shadowy points of contact with the present. Indespensable as historical (ie. sociological) contextualization may be, it can still only leave us with a somewhat fuller understanding of what remains, at bottom, an alien world in an alien time. We can never truly and completely be in the past with all the immediacy and (likewise) limitations that such being entails. “We can never simply bring the past into the present” and the past, as we know it, remains an “hypothesis”. (Op.Cit., p. xv.)

Thus, historical interpretation by itself leaves us only with a collection of pieces from which “on painstaking reflection” we can “intuit” “something of ‘deeper value’.” This is Benedict’s polite way of saying that even if we get the translation right we are left with a Bible as literature from which we may extract, au gout, a bunch of moral metaphors. The result is a latitudinarian anti fundamentalism which Benedict equally rejects.

An intuition of Benedict’s thought-process allows us to conjecture that he regards “fundamentalism” and “interpretivism” as opposite extremes each of which lead to equally relativistic results. Fundamentalism becomes relativism because the extracting of putatively relevant “litera” is itself determined by subjective will and impulse. Interpretivism (as I have coined it)is relative because the drawing of “deeper meaning” and metaphor is simply the creature of a subjective capacity for imagination. It may be poetic and delightful but it is still unglued to anything objective. Under either approach Scripture becomes a pile of disconnected scribbles unilaterally asserted or subjectively filtered.

For Benedict this sorry state of affairs is not endurable and Greekling that he is he hews a middle course.

“A voice greater than man’s echoes in Scripture’s human words; the individual writings [Schrifte] of the Bible point somehow to the living process that shapes the one Scripture [Schrift].” (Op. Cit., p. xviii.)
Benedict credits “American scholars” with realizing this point and with formulating an exegesis which “read[s] individual texts within the totality of one Scripture which then sheds new light on all the individual texts.” This methodology “carries [historical interpretation] forward in an organic way toward becoming theology in a proper sense.” (Op. Cit., p. xix.)

This metamorphosis into theology begins with the somewhat sociological observation that the author of any individual book in the Bible “does not speak as a self-contained subject” but “in a living community... in a living historical movement not created by him, nor even by the collective, but which is led forward by a greater power that is at work.” (Echoes of Tolstoy here.) We can analyze and diagram the process by which “older texts are reappropriated, reinterpreted, and read with new eyes in new contexts”.

“They become Scripture by being read anew, evolving in continuity with their original sense, tacitly corrected and given added depth and breadth of meaning. This is a process in which the word gradually unfold its inner potentialities, already somehow present like seeds, but needing the challenge of new situations...and new sufferings, in order to open up.”
Faith enters the picture at the point where, exegesing all of the above, we realise precisely that a greater power is at work and actually working through the community of faithful.

“[T]he books of Scripture involve three interacting subjects. First of all there is the individual authors ... But these authors are not autonomous writers in the modern sense; they form part of a collective subject...from within whose heart and to whom they speak. And yet likewise, this people does not exist alone; rather it knows that it is led and spoken to, by God himself, who -- through men and their humanity -- is at the deepest level the one speaking.” (Op. Cit., pp. xx, xxi)
Up to a point this is nothing new; the Catholic Church has always maintained that the ongoing traditions of the faithful are a co-equal source of Revelation with Scripture. It was also always understood that the two sources could not exist independently of one another. However, Benedict, in a rather modernistic fashion, has sought to explain the mechanics or dynamics of how the two co-operate so as to produce a singular process of ongoing revelation.

Those dynamics are nothing unfamiliar to an American or English lawyer; for, it describes precisely how the Common Law works and how stare decisis becomes “new law” as precedents are adapted to circumstances through discovered nuances, implications and tacit corrections.

If the reader is smiling, nothing more needs be said. But if the reader is understandably perplexed by this morass of words, an example may clarify.

A fundamentalist will use the Bible as a moral “corrective” by citing dicta; in this case, for example, St. Paul’s description of how “ men also abandoned natural relations with women and were inflamed with lust for one another. Men committed indecent acts with other men, and received in themselves the due penalty for their perversion." (Romans 1:27) See! Q.E.D.

"Was man schwarz auf weiß besitzt, kann man getrost nach Hause tragen"!
“What’s black on white, you can take home with trust.” --- Devil to Faust.
A so-called “liberal” Christian will use the historical method to figure out what such passages meant in the social context of the times. On that basis, he or she will argue that St.Paul was talking about so-called “temple prostitution” -- i.e., erotic practices in Bacchanalian mystery cults.

From the Catholic point of view, neither approach is entirely correct. Fundamentalism becomes faithless. If we heed the Bible at all it is because we believe “God spoke through the prophets.” How then, having given us a living faith in Christ, can he not also speak through us, writing on our hearts and minds? But it is equally faithless, in a different way, to presume that God speaks anything through us. A God that contradicts or arbitrarily ignores what he has said before is no better than the Queen of Hearts. It is presumptuous to think that whatever comes into our minds comes “from God”. It is only a slightly more subtle version of the same presumption to think that past understandings can be discarded because we now, with our superior analytical tools, have discovered that previous understandings were “wrong”. This is what Benedict cautions against when he writes that we can never entirely get into the framework and mindset of the past.

The Catholic approach presupposes both change and consistency. It is fundamentally necessary to respect the ordinary or gross meaning of words because if words have no regular significance we are left with babble. But any sentence of words has to be understood in context the facts and circumstances of which serve to whittle down and sharpen the words so as to arrive at a net contextual (i.e. historical) meaning. The interpretation or focus given by past generations is not to be discarded precisely because, being closer to the original context, they are better attuned to the intended meaning. It is equally true, however, that being too close can blur focus or lead to forgetting the forest for the tree. It is only from the remove of time that a greater “whole context” can be seen. The present is as necessary as the past to understand the eternal.

Accordingly, Benedict’s method of interpretation does not leave it at “what this meant then” He goes on to add: “...and now.” To a good faith understanding of what St. Paul might have been referring to (and might have been understood by his listeners to mean), Benedict would also take into account the “understanding” the passage has received through time as shaped by reading Scripture as a unitary whole. This necessarily includes older or “fundamentalist” understandings but it is also alive to the fact that “new sufferings” -- like the irritation of heat on a dormant seed -- cause new flowerings.

(Benedict’s Symposium)

With this understanding of scriptural tradition in mind, we can now look to see if there have been any tacit corrections to the Church’s teaching on sexuality.

We are first of all struck by a striking difference in historical exegesis concerning Deuteronomy and Romans. In the Pastoral Letter, Cardinal Ratzinger (writing for Pope John Paul II),

"[In I Corinthians 6:9, Paul] lists those who behave in a homosexual fashion among those who shall not enter the Kingdom of God. In Romans 1:18-32, ... Paul uses homosexual behaviour as an example of the blindness which has overcome humankind."

This, it will be remembered, was the last installment of a biblical consistency which had condemned homosexuality as an abomination since Genesis. (Past.Let., supra, § 5.)

But in Deus Caritas Est, Joseph Raztzinger (writing for Pope Benedict) explains,

"In [pagan] religions, this [exaltation of eros] found expression in fertility cults, part of which was the “sacred” prostitution which flourished in many temples. Eros was thus celebrated as divine power, as fellowship with the Divine.

"The Old Testament firmly opposed this form of religion, Indeed, the prostitutes in the temple, who had to bestow this divine intoxication, were not treated as human beings and persons, but simply used as a means of arousing “divine madness”: far from being goddesses, they were human persons being exploited. An intoxicated and undisciplined eros, then, is not an ascent in “ecstasy” towards the Divine." (Deus Caritas Est, § 4.)
Benedict does not go on to say that St. Paul’s condemnation of homosexuality referred to temple prostitution, but this liberal interpretation tacitly follows from the supposed “consistency” of Scripture as a whole. In these passages, Benedict adopted a biblical exegesis which indisputably backed away from the mantra of “homosexuality as an abomination.”

More fundamentally, Deus Caritas Est, shifted the weight of the Church’s the sex-love discussion from procreative teleology to psychological teleology.

As has been the seen, the Pastoral Letter regarded the “complementarity of the sexes” as a reflection of God’s inner unity and as a “cooperation with Him in the transmission of life.” (Id., § 5.) In Deus Caritas Est, however,

"True eros, tends to rise “in ecstasy” towards the Divine, to lead us beyond ourselves; yet for this very reason it calls for a path of ascent, renunciation, purification and healing. (Deus., at § 5.)

"Love is indeed “ecstasy”, not in the sense of a moment of intoxication, but rather as a journey, an ongoing exodus out of the closed inward-looking self towards its liberation through self-giving, and thus towards authentic self-discovery (Deus., § 6.)

Love moves beyond self-satisfying appetite and “instead seeks the good of the beloved” so that, in this sense, it reflects the Christ’s path of sacrifice and resurrection which embody “the essence of love and indeed of human life itself.” (Ibid.)

God loves, and his love may certainly be called eros, yet it is also totally agape. (Op.Cit., § 9.)
Benedict then goes on to illustrate the “ascent” by rather impishly citing Song of Songs which, he says, “was perhaps intended for a Jewish wedding feast and meant to exalt conjugal love. [where] searching loves (plural) becomes discovered (singular) love.”

Of course, Benedict would never be so stupid as to say that sex has “no purpose” with respect to procreation. It is absolutely beyond empirical dispute that Nature has subjected animals to driving erotic impulses to make them procreate. Were procreation dependent on an exercise like weight lifting or rowing, humans would be a species on the verge of extinction, notwithstanding our supposed rational powers to sacrifice for the common good.

But Benedict has indisputably shifted the focus of the discussion. This shift includes a subtle rephrasing and modernizing of the temple prostitution argument, viz:

Eros, reduced to pure “sex”, has become a commodity, a mere “thing” to be bought and sold, [so that] man himself becomes a commodity. This is hardly man's great “yes” to the body. On the contrary, he now considers his body and his sexuality as the purely material part of himself, to be used and exploited at will. ... both enjoyable and harmless. Here we are actually dealing with a debasement of the human body: ... no longer is it a vital expression of our whole being, but it is more or less relegated to the purely biological sphere....” (Deus Caritas Est, § 5.)
“Biological”? Our “whole being” -- including our sexuality -- encompasses more than the “purely biological”?

The unmistakable thrust of Benedict’s first encyclical is that erotic and caring love are intertwined, so that the appetite and impulse “for sex” drives us from wanting another for ourselves to caring for another in spite of ourselves. In this context, what becomes “wrong” is not deviance from the biological but stunting the growth of this impulse so that it remains caged within the narrow confines of pleasure-seeking. There is, after all, a difference between gluttony and Babette’s Feast.

Since its promulgation in 2006, it has seemed to us wood chippers at the Gazette, that Deus Caritas Est was something of a shot across the traditionalist bow. When traditional arguments were contrasted with Deus Caritas Est, it was evident that the Pope was subtly reorienting Catholic doctrine. When it came to the affectional relations between man and woman, the magisterium no longer focused on the erotic-biological “purpose” of sex in the procreative scheme of things but on the psychological progression from erotic needs to sacrificial and giving love in the human scheme of things.

Deus Caritas Est most certainly addressed love in the larger heterosexual context. Although there were teasers here and there, such as Benedict’s straight faced allusion to Aristophanes’ theory of love, we do not mean to suggest that he is centering his aim on the question of homosexuality. His focus is far broader. But once the argument is made that eros properly serves the purpose of promoting higher forms of caring between two individuals, it becomes almost impossible to see why those two individuals cannot be two women or man and man -- who (says Aristophanes) finding their missing halves cleave to one another like the unitary sphere they once were before Zeus maliciously cut the three human genders in half.

In light of Benedict’s shift-of-focus, the absence of stock-in-trade arguments from his remarks to the ambassador are not simply “omissions” -- surprising as they might be. Those omissions maintained space for an unobstructed and corrected perspective on the nature of human love.

VI
Like Ants on the back of a Turtle

That the Pope used an occasion to make a weak attack on gay marriage may be small consolation to those who wish for Validation Now. Nor is that demand unjustifiably impatient. Gays have endured life-destroying opprobrium and discrimination for at least a thousand years and -- if homosexuality is neither an illness nor a sin -- there is nothing self-indulgent in demanding that the persecution end now.

And it has been a persecution. In addition to pro-actively hounding gay people herself, the ecclesiastical Church has fostered a culture of hate and opprobrium thereby engaging in the supreme sin of uncharity. In so sinning, it has denied to homosexuals the habit of humanity.

And let there be no mistake: a young man who realizes he has been denied the option of humanity has no reason to go on living. His blood is on the miter.

However, as Pope and to date, Benedict is more of an ally than the agitated liberal wing of the Church believes and is far less an enemy than the anti-Catholic Queer Activist Brigades have made him out to be. Benedict’s remarks to the ambassador fit within a pattern of manoeuvering the Church into a position that would result in a more solid and permanent change.

People of a childish understanding think that the Pope -- being a pope -- can decree what he wants like the Queen of Hearts and make the Church change its direction. But any society only moves in a given direction when a preponderance of its constituent parts are brought about to re-orient themselves to that direction.

Sadly and undeniably, change tomorrow is of little use to the individual. Each of us is given a relatively short span of existence on this earth during which we scurry about like ants resolving confusions, overcoming difficulties and finding our happinesses as rapidly as we can. Individuals simply do not have two millenia to spare as the Church creeps along like some heaving tortoise. One could hardly blame an ant who wanted to get on with life from scurrying off the turtle’s back.

Were it truly feasible to “kick the dust from one’s sandals” no one could be faulted for moving on with indifference. But we suspect it is not truly possible. Neither the liberation of isolation nor the ghetto of a bigger closet are true solutions. At some point the individual has to face the greater society in which he lives and this involves the work of re-weaving a torn fabric.

This re-weaving is a tedious business because it entails a reconstruction that must match and harmonize with the whole tapestry of doctrine while, at the same time, tacitly correcting it. In addition, this reconstruction must be carried forth collectively because it is only when people participate in the ergon of a project that they can convince themselves of its logic.

Were Benedict to decree that as of Tuesday next priests should confer the sacrament of marriage on faithful gay partners, this hasty “patch” would produce a counter reaction that would nullify the decree the minute the Pope passed on to his greater reward. Change NOW! would have ended up as merely Change for an Enchanted Evening.

Instead, Benedict elaborates a kind of theological calculus, where all the points are being positioned in such a way as to capture a differential space which doesn’t leave much room for condemning homosexuality or denying gay couples a sacrament that will assist them toward the “liberation [of] self giving and...authentic self discovery.” That, it seems to us, is a calculus worth working with.

©WCG, 2010.

.

Sunday, September 26, 2010

God's Dachshund, Part VI - Kulturkampf Redux


Three days before departing on his Apostolic Visit to the United Kingdom, Pope Benedict signalled that the theme of his upcoming trip would focus on the role of the Church in evangelizing an increasingly secular society.

Receiving the newly accredited German ambassador to the Holy See, the Pope praised Catholic martyrs to Nazi tyranny. We were fortunate, he said, to live today in free and democratic societies. At the same time, however, this political freedom allowed for a falling away from christian commitments and concepts, so that social life had become increasingly dominated and determined by private interests and power-calculations (Machtkalkül). In such circumstances, faithful Christians had a duty to respond to such developments in a critical and positive manner and to affirm the “fundamental and permanent” importance of Christianity in providing the foundation and structure of our culture (in der Grundlegung und Gestaltung unserer Kultur).


Prelude and Subtext.

As usual, Benedict’s remarks were rich with counterpoints and themes. It was nothing new to hear a preacher declaim that society had gone astray and needed to return to the Good Shepherd. But Benedict used this otherwise “canned sermon” to make some astonishing allusions which all but accused modern secularists of harbouring the same woe-laden disorientations as inhered in Nazism.

It was hardly surprising that the Pope would use the occasion of receiving the German ambassador to make pious remembrance of German martyrs. To whom else might such remembrances be addressed? But Benedict was not about to leave it at, It’s been a long haul, Babe, but we finally made it to the land of peace and freedom. Instead, he turned on the dime and spoke in language all but directly cribbed from Pope Pius XI’s 1937 encyclical Mit Brennende Sorge, (With Burning Sorrow) which Reich Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop had called a “declaration of war”.

In 1933, the Holy See signed a Concordat with the German Government which had just been taken over by the National Socialists. The Nazi programme for German society was no secret and the purpose of the Concordat, from the Vatican’s perspective, was to carve out “spheres of immunity” for itself within the larger new social order.

There was little question of “evangelizing” Germany; for, in fact, Germany had been evangelized by the Nazi “Bewegung” (“Movement”). Faced with such a looming onset, the best the Church could do was to hold onto what she had and this meant preserving the inviolability of confession, the sanctity of the mass, the peace and security of religious orders and the uninfringed prerogatives of catholic education.

These provisions were no small things. They prevented priests from becoming de facto snoops for the Gestapo; they prevented Goebbels from turning Sunday mass into praise and thanksgiving services for Germany’s New Saviour; they provided a real and actual refuge for people who wanted to “absent” themselves from society while still providing a presence within it; and, most importantly, they allowed the Church to fight for the minds of the young. This latter was especially crucial because the Nazis understood very well -- as did the Church -- that who controls the minds of youth controls the future.

Those who are ignorant of the historical facts (and this includes much of the present-day academic and media establishments), criticise the Concordat as, at best, “legitimising” the Nazis. Worse and more viciously, it is asserted as proof that the Church was “in league” with them. This is villainy.

Fifty years before, Chancellor Bismarck had launched his Kulturkampf the purpose of which was to bring the Church to heel as a state-controlled confession. Religious orders were abolished, Jesuits were banned, schools were subject to state inspection and priests were prohibited from discussing political issues from the pulpit. A wave of anti-Catholic propaganda accompanied the Kulturkampf, fueled with outright hatred from Liberals who viewed Catholics as the enemies of a modern German nation. Over time, enforcement of the more notorious provisions were relaxed, even if they remained on the books. Now, however, in 1933, a new, modern German Reich was, as the Nazis proclaimed, being “reborn”. Once again, and even more uncompromisingly, the Church faced a State intent on remolding religion to suit its own purposes.

Faced with such an overwhelming force, there are three general alternatives: collaboration, retrenchment and, what the Protestants later called, “inner emigration” -- a term which was used to denote the cultivation of a subjective attitude of distance and mental reservation.

The difficulty with “inner immigration” is that it is next to useless. The inner immigrant falls into his own head and becomes a little white particle floating about in the maelstrom of a glass snow ball. Inner immigration is simply the inverse of collaboration which consists of falling into line as a marching unit in column. Retrenchment, as the middle way, shades into both polarities of the spectrum. It “passively” collaborates in that it acquiesces in the status quo, which is typically the price for these arrangements. On the other hand, it provides a locus for an “outer emigration” in which the reserved places and privileges of the Church become sanctuaries from the status quo and provide safe harbour without having to flee the country altogether. Outer (as opposed to outbound) emigration is neither trivial nor useless. All resistance movements have necessary recourse to safe-houses and these houses provide not only a place to hide but spaces to make contact with other resistors, to acquire “illegal” information and to make plans. Retrenchment accepts the status quo but provides objective means for both withholding and resisting.

In short, faced with the Nazi take-over, the Church went into feste burge (might fortress) mode; and this mode reflected at least one of several answers as to what it means for Christians to “be in” the world. The ultimate hope of all Christians is that the world will become the “City of God” but as often as not it is the Devil’s Republic in which Christians are relegated to catacombs, monasteries in gloomy forests, or simply to floating about in their own private worlds doped up on their fantasized ideas of Grace and Salvation. The Concordat aimed to provide Catholic with actual spheres of sanctuary.

Almost immediately upon signing the Concordat, the Nazis went back on their word. By 1937, the National Socialist bewegung was in full swing. They had taken over all spheres of the life of the Volk, including arts, recreation and religion. The Nazi controlled Protestant Reichskirke pushed the idea of “Positive Germanic Christianity” which was a watered-down version of the official racial paganism. As for the Church, the Nazis violated the confessional, harassed people going to mass, arrested monks and nuns and, to be sure, launched major assaults on all fronts against Catholic education. This was not only a matter of catechism class or class rooms, it included taking over Catholic scouts and submerging them into the Hitler Youth.



Pius reacted With Burning Sorrow. Discarding the official Latin for German, he railed against the Government’s broken promises and anathematised the Nazi concept of man, god and cosmos.

"Whoever identifies, by a pantheistic confusion, God with the universe, ...or ... whoever follows that so-called pre-Christian Germanic conception of substituting a dark and impersonal destiny for the personal God, is not a believer in God at all.

"Whoever exalts race, or the people, ... or the depositories of power, or any other fundamental value of the human community... beyond its standard value to an idolatrous level, distorts and perverts the order of the world planned and created by God;

"Beware... of that growing abuse of the name of God, as though it were a meaningless label, to be affixed to any creation, of human speculation. Our God is the Personal God, supernatural, omnipotent, infinitely perfect,... who will not, and cannot, tolerate a rival God by His side."
With this background in mind, it could not have been but like being hit with loud gong or clanging cymbal when the quiet spoken Benedict said to the ambassador

"Wenn man aber den Glauben an Gott als Person aufgibt, dann ist die Alternative ein »Gott«, der nicht erkennt, nicht hört und nicht spricht. Und er hat erst recht keinen Willen. Wenn Gott keinen Willen hat, dann ist gut und böse letztlich nicht mehr zu unterscheiden."

"When, however, man gives up a belief in a Personal God, then the alternative is a "god" who neither understands, hears nor speaks; who has, in truth, no Will. When God has no will, it then becomes impossible to distinguish between good and evil."
Although Germany was today a free and open society, the Pope said, “the Christian personal God, who is revealed in the Bible, is being supplanted with the concept of a supreme being, mysterious and indeterminate who only has a vague relationship with the personal life of human beings.”

In the ensuing days, Benedict, would repeatedly iterate that the Church had, and expected to play, a contributing and balancing role in the secular and political sphere. The theme would be played politely and lightly, but the shot across the ambassador’s bow served as a bas motif for what was otherwise left unsaid.

Before Germany there was always England.

The conflictive dynamic between Church and State has been one of the principal themes in European history, beginning institutionally with the Donation of Constantine and personally before then with the persecution of the martyrs. The conflict was often a wrangle over power and wealth; but it was just as often, on both sides, a matter of good faith differences of opinion ultimately arising from the fact that the purpose of society is to provide for the material whereas the aim of the Church is to remind society that man does not live by bread alone. As Benedict said at Westminster, this “corrective” reminder is not always welcome.

In no place was corrective action least welcome than in England, whose history is paradigmatic for the conflict between crown and mitre. This conflict should not be viewed as a simple rams-head opposition but rather as a dialectical dynamic in which there is as much drawing from the other as there pushing against it. It is precisely this intercourse within opposition that enables an ultimate synthesis to emerge. What emerged in England was a constitutional-religious settlement the moderating nature of which was a collection of counter balancing corrective measures facilitated by equivocal usages. As stated by Benedict,

“[England’s] Parliamentary tradition owes much to the national instinct for moderation, to the desire to achieve a genuine balance between the legitimate claims of government and the rights of those subject to it.”
What the Pope omitted to specify was that Magna Carta, that “great charter of English and American liberties” began with a defence of the then Catholic Church against the State. “Bad” King John was the son of Henry II who (equivocally) ordered the murder (1170) St. Thomas Becket in the course of jurisdictional disputes which included a demand that the clergy pay a fee to be exempt from military service and that priests accused of crimes be tried in the King’s common law courts. Like his father, John was one of a new breed of “modernising” kings intent on streamlining government and establishing a unitary nation-state. His taxations without consent antagonized the barons and his asserted right to appoint bishops provoked the Church. At Westminster Hall, Stephen Langton, the Archbishop of Canterbury, (in defiance of the Pope), organized the barons in revolt.

Thus, when Article One of the Charter stated “We have granted to God, and by this our present Charter have confirmed, for Us and our Heirs for ever, that the Church of England shall be free, and shall have all her whole Rights and Liberties inviolable” the intent was to establish that the Church was independent from the State, although it would not be considered insignificant later that, in the circumstances of the day, that same establishment had also entailed a defiance of Rome.

Over the course of 500 years and through the crucible of the English Reformation, Article One evolved into the American First Amendment, that synthesis of historical experience which prohibits the state establishment of religion and by the same token guarantees freedom of individual conscience.

The transmutation of Magna Carta’s institutional balance into a question of individual rights of conscience began precisely at the point where the Crown, under Henry VIII, succeeded in gaining control over the Church, such that questions of faith became matter for treason. It was thus that St. Thomas Moore was tried and condemned (1535) for refusing to publicly endorse Henry VIII’s establishment of the Church in independence from Rome.

It is a curious fact that illustrates the nuanced nature of the dialectic that Thomas a Becket and Thomas Moore are each considered saints by both the Anglican and the Roman Church.

Although these church-state disputes often appear as mere struggles over power and revenue the surface conflicts were manifestations of a deeper divide concerning the structure of society itself. In the middle ages, it was accepted that governance of society was a co-participation between church and state. Thus, jurisdictional lines reflected an understanding (or disagreement) as to where the Church had a say ( -diction) and over what, not.

This theory of co-participation derived from Pope Gregory the Great (590-604). Believing that Caesars ruled by God’s decree, he felt that the Church should acquiesce to regal demands where possible but, at the same time, that the Crown was duty bound to protect the Church when requested. Innocent III (who backed King John against the Bishop and his barons), upped the ante, maintaining that the royal power derived its dignity from the pontifical authority in the same way as the moon derives her light from the sun. Henry VIII, reversed the ante, setting up the Crown, hence nation state, hence the sovereignty of the People, and ultimately the supremacy of the Volk, as the source of all authority from which all else emanates.

The tempering adjustments between ecclesiastical and state power has been a feature of most European countries; and, of course, the Reformation was in certain measure a struggle over the rights of conscience. But nowhere did the institutional and the individual aspects of the conflict play out more paradigmatically and with as clearly defined contradictions than in England.

Those contradictions included the disgraceful fact that for near 300 years after the Anglican break with Rome, and in the name of freedom, Catholics were persecuted and excommunicated from established society. Those persecutions included the shutting down of monasteries, inquisition into the confessional, prohibiting public or at times private services, barring Catholics from education, and even from trivial posts in government. Even today, an untoward and unworthy animus against Catholicism persists among Englishmen and among their nativist residue in Tennessee.

Given the historical saga, it was nothing short of amazing to see a Roman pontiff walk into the very hall where Thomas Moore was convicted and stand face to face with the English lords and commons assembled. To say that it was “fitting” that Benedict would discuss the relationship between church and state rather misses the point. The scene demanded the script, which is why Benedict went there in the first place.

Once again, the Moon and the Sun.

The Pope’s address at Westminster Hall was manifestly intended to be the piece de resistance of his visit. But the prelude that began in Rome was continued in the run up to the Hall so that it is best to regard the Pope’s various pronouncements as all one cloth. Culminating in his Westminster Address, the Pope made three simple points.

1. Church and State Have A Common Responsibility.

Benedict explained that religion was linked to politics at the juncture or “justice”. It was there that the two spheres met because whereas the need and demand for justice is a religio-moral issue, determining and implementing justice is a function of the state. (Sept.16, Remarks to Press on Flight.) This, the Pope said, was a “common responsibility of politics and religion for the future of the continent and the future of humanity. Our high and common responsibility is to see that the values that create justice and politics, and those that come from religion, walk together in our time.”

In this regard, Anglicans and Catholics in particular shared a common mission. (Ibid) The two confessions need no longer be in “competition” if both “Anglicans and Catholics see that [they] are not there for themselves, but are rather instruments of Christ.”

In fact, all religious groups participate in this mission because all religions ask common and fundamental existential questions so that genuine religious belief always points “beyond present utility” and “brings enlightenment... purifies our hearts and ...inspires noble and generous action, to the benefit of the entire human family.” (Sept. 17, Address to Inter-Denominational Religious Leaders.)

2. In Shouldering its own Portion, there can be no Compromise.

In this joint enterprise, Benedict noted, the initial onus was on the Church to be true to her mission on Earth. “[A] church which seeks above all to be attractive would already be on the wrong path, because the Church does not work for itself, does not work to increase its numbers so as to have more power. The Church is at the service of Another; .... [and her task is]to make herself transparent for Jesus.” (Sept. 16, Remarks on Flight.)

This fidelity to Faith, the Pope warned, may often require personal sacrifice, just as Cardinal Newman had suffered through a “long path of renewal and conversion”. (Ibid) More than sacrifice, faithfulness often required martyrdom. Standing where he had been tried and condemned, Benedict “recall[ed] the figure of Saint Thomas More, the great English scholar and statesman, who is admired by believers and non-believers alike for the integrity with which he followed his conscience, even at the cost of displeasing the sovereign whose “good servant” he was.”

In this challenging enterprise, it fell to the Church to “maintain its respect for those traditional values and cultural expressions that more aggressive forms of secularism no longer value or even tolerate." (Sept.16, Speech in Holyrood Hall, Edindurgh.)

In such remarks, one could not but hear echoes of Burning Sorrow where Pius XI had praised

“those priests and Faithful, who have persisted in their Christian duty and in the defense of God's rights in the teeth of an aggressive paganism.”
and who had admonished that

“A Christianity which keeps a grip on itself, refuses every compromise with the world, ... will be, a model and a guide to a world which is sick to death and clamors for directions, lest it be condemned to a catastrophe that would baffle the imagination.”
3. Christianity is under attack.

These intimations and echoes got full blast at Westminster Hall where, addressing British lords and commons assembled, the Pope said,

"I cannot but voice my concern at the increasing marginalization of religion, particularly of Christianity, that is taking place in some quarters, even in nations which place a great emphasis on tolerance. There are those who would advocate that the voice of religion be silenced, or at least relegated to the purely private sphere. There are those who argue that the public celebration of festivals such as Christmas should be discouraged, in the questionable belief that it might somehow offend those of other religions or none. And there are those who argue – paradoxically with the intention of eliminating discrimination – that Christians in public roles should be required at times to act against their conscience. These are worrying signs of a failure to appreciate not only the rights of believers to freedom of conscience and freedom of religion, but also the legitimate role of religion in the public square.

"Religious bodies – including institutions linked to the Catholic Church – need to be free to act in accordance with their own principles and specific convictions based upon the faith and the official teaching of the Church. In this way, such basic rights as religious freedom, freedom of conscience and freedom of association are guaranteed."
Once again, Benedict echoed his predecessor.

“In your country,” Pius declaimed, “voices are swelling into a chorus urging people to leave the Church, and among the leaders there is more than one whose official position is intended to create the impression that this infidelity to Christ the King constitutes a signal and meritorious act of loyalty to the modern State. . . . But the believer has an absolute right to profess his Faith and live according to its dictates. Laws which impede this profession and practice of Faith are against natural law.”
4. Christianity is the Sure Foundation of European Civilization.

From Parliament, the Pope proceeded to Westminster Abbey where, again hearkening to the assault on Christianity, he reminded his audience that the assault is fundamentally self-destructive since Christianity is both the fount and hope of Western civilization.

“Here we cannot help but be reminded of how greatly the Christian faith shaped the unity and culture of Europe and the heart and spirit of the English people.

“In a society which has become increasingly indifferent or even hostile to the Christian message, we are all the more compelled to give a joyful and convincing account of the hope that is within us (cf. 1 Pet 3:15), and to present the Risen Lord as the response to the deepest questions and spiritual aspirations of the men and women of our time.

“At the dawn of a new age in the life of society and of the Church, Bede understood both the importance of fidelity to the word of God as transmitted by the apostolic tradition,

“This nation, and the Europe which Bede and his contemporaries helped to build, once again stands at the threshold of a new age."

The Axe and the Hammer.

From the crescendo of his remarks at Westminster Hall, Benedict used the melodious finale of evensong at Westminster Abbey to close the circle by recalling his namesake and placing the historicity of the church-state dialectic within a still larger historical cycle. In the Pope’s view, the “corrective action” of the Church is not simply a counter-balance from the outside but takes place within the larger context of a Europe that is the product of Christian reclamation.

Speaking to a general audience at St. Peter’s Square in April 2008, the Pope recalled that,

“with his life and work St Benedict exercised a fundamental influence on the development of European civilization and culture” and helped Europe to emerge from the "dark night of history" that followed the fall of the Roman empire." [more]
In so saying, the Pope was expressing the Church’s official view which considers St. Benedict to be the “Father of Europe.” (Paul VI, Pacis Nuntius, 10/24/64)

And not without reason; for it was from the monastic order which Benedict had established, in 540, on the outskirts of a desolate and deserted Rome, that missionaries went forth to reclaim Britain and then Germany for civilization and Christ. If this is so, then the Church’s participation in social and political life can never be regarded as a gratuity extended by the largesse of the liberal nation state but is rather more like the act of a parent solicitous for the welfare of her own offspring.

It is worth recalling the events in order to grasp what this reclamation entailed and how it worked, given that Pope Benedict has repeatedly urged the example of St. Benedict as a paradigm for Church and Christian conduct today and in the future.

In 475, the Roman Empire in the West collapsed. The event ought not be painted in overly apocalyptic hues, dramatically pleasing as it might be to do so. The collapse had been a long time in coming; the “Barbarians” were not inhuman savages and the plumbing still worked on the morning after. But the collapse of civil authority meant precisely that civilization in its fundamental political aspect had ceased. Men were left to their own devices and it was here that a dark and looming chaos hung over the continent.

Where it could, the Church took over routine and necessary bureaucratic tasks that had previously be discharged by imperial clerks or the household slaves of some local senator. In the north, however, the vestiges of city life decayed into rustic tribalism. In 597, Pope Gregory the Great sent the Benedictine St. Augustine (of Canterbury) to Britain to reclaim the island for Christianity, which he did with help from the King’s christian wife and the prospect of certain strategic advantages over rival tribes. A little over a century later (716) St. Boniface set out from a Benedictine monastery in Southhampton to convert the pagans of Germany.

It is said that the Germans were converted when Boniface, calling upon Thor to strike him down, took out his little axe and started chopping away at the sacred Donner Oak. When instead, Thor (or Whoever) sent a big gust of wind to blow the oak over, the amazed Frisians are said to have converted on the spot. One might be permitted to observe that the Frisians were already rather doubtful pagans in as much as a true devotee would hardly permit any stranger to attempt such a cutting blasphemy, as if gods could be treated like mere specimens in a scientific experiment.

Boniface himself was more down to earth, remarking that without the protection of Charles Martel (the same “hammer” who defeated the advancing Muslims at Tours) he could “neither administer his church, defend his clergy, nor prevent idolatry.”

Later medieval glossators, embellished the tree cutting miracle by adding that in the cracked crevice of the oak there appeared a sapling fir tree causing Boniface to exclaim that like this little fir, “let Christ be at the centre of your households; as its leaves remain evergreen in the darkest days, let Christ be your constant light; as its boughs reach out to embrace and its top points to heaven: let Christ be your Comfort and Guide.” From whence the Christmas Tree, alluded to by Benedict in his address to the parliamentarians.

Delightful as such miracles are, the more instructive lesson is that the “conversion” of a wild and disordered Europe was a collaborative process between axe and hammer. This is not to say, in cynical sociological fashion, that religion served as a “mere prop” to the state. It was rather the other way around. Augustine and Boniface’s missions were truly informative on their own initiative.

Les Idiots of the Enlightenment are full of scorn for fantastic “credulity” of medieval man. What kind of fool, they, ask could believe such nonsense as Benedict’s miraculous chopping down of the oak tree? But it is they who are the fools for bringing l’esprit de geometrie to bear on what is said by way of finesse.

Perhaps it was because paper was in short supply; but, whatever the case, medieval man found distilled and poetic ways of explaining complex realities. What did Benedict do with his little axe? Literally, he went to work chopping wood, which is precisely what the monks did when they ventured forth and cleared forests in order to domesticate the land and build their first rude monasteries. It was that work, assisted by the wind of prayer, that worked the conversion.

What St. Benedict established was an army of reconquest: worker-monks who ventured forth into the actual and metaphorical wilderness where monastic outposts re-established civility by example and exhortation. When it is said that the “pagans” were “converted to Christianity” what is meant is not simply that they were convinced to accept items on a particular (not very comprehensible) ideological menu, but rather that -- through advantage and example -- they were brought to see the worth of a cosmological order within which their own civic existence arose and acquired value and purpose. In political terms this “conversion” was, in effect, what we would call, a “constitutional act” that was as firm as stone because it was written on people’s hearts.

We must not imagine that men were stupid because they lived a long time ago. It is foolish to think that a bunch of rude and filthy warriors were brought around by suddenly seeing the truth of a tale no less absurd than their own myths. Benedict’s motto was Ora et Laboro. What the monks brought was the example of tangible technological and economic advantages coupled with a practice of listening and acts of charity. As Pope Benedict has explained,

“Without prayer there is no experience of God. Benedict's spirituality was not an interiority removed from reality. In the anxiety and confusion of his day, he lived under God's gaze and in this very way never lost sight of the duties of daily life and of man with his practical needs.

“In the first place prayer is an act of listening (Prol. 9-11), which must then be expressed in action. "The Lord is waiting every day for us to respond to his holy admonitions by our deeds" (Prol. 35). Thus, the monk's life becomes a fruitful symbiosis between action and contemplation...” (General Audience, April 2008 [here] )
What was being transmitted was a social culture; and while it may have been backed up by a little hammering, it was a culture that convinced of its own weight and which protected the weak and magnified the least.


Pathologies of Faith and Reason

The Pope’s citation of St. Benedict serves a dual purpose as both a claim of right and as a model for Church participation in the society it helped create. But the Benedictine motto, ora et laboro, also serves as an emblem for what it means to be a human being.

Throughout his remarks in England, Benedict alluded to a string of dualisms with which medieval man would have been entirely familiar: city and forest; light and dark; christianity and paganism; church and state; work and prayer, reason and faith. While it is typical to think of these qualities as antagonistic opposites, it bears repeating that dialectics is not the same as opposition. The entire Benedictine premise is that work and prayer are complimentary.

But work is quintessentially the province of reason just prayer is the work of faith. Thus, in Pope Benedict’s view, the conflicts between Church and State, so productive of martyrs and burning sorrow is what occurs when the proper balance is not maintained and this, at bottom, rests on the necessary complimentarity of reason and faith in general and within each human breast. It was at Westminster Hall, that Benedict enunciated this fundamental theme of his papacy.

“There is widespread agreement that the lack of a solid ethical foundation for economic activity has contributed to the grave difficulties now being experienced by millions

“The central question at issue, then, is this: where is the ethical foundation for political choices to be found? The Catholic tradition maintains that the objective norms governing right action are accessible to reason, prescinding from the content of revelation.

“The role of religion in political debate is not so much to supply these norms, as if they could not be known by non-believers – still less to propose concrete political solutions, which would lie altogether outside the competence of religion – but rather to help purify and shed light upon the application of reason to the discovery of objective moral principles. This “corrective” role of religion vis-à-vis reason is not always welcomed,

“[In contrast] distorted forms of religion, such as sectarianism and fundamentalism, can be seen to create serious social problems themselves. These distortions of religion arise when insufficient attention is given to the purifying and structuring role of reason within religion. It is a two-way process.

“The world of reason and the world of faith – the world of secular rationality and the world of religious belief – need one another and should not be afraid to enter into a profound and ongoing dialogue, for the good of our civilization.”

In so saying Benedict returned to the central thesis of his much misunderstood Regensburg Address (2006) in which he proffered the services of “Helleno-Christianity” as a bridge between the putatively “rationalist” West and the emblematically “spirit-driven” Islamic world.

In that address, Benedict criticised both the unthinking fanaticism derived from a belief in a God that was beyond understanding and an absolutist scientific rationalism that refused to harbor non-quantifiable values.

In the conflict between these two extremes, he said, there stood on the one side the image of a capricious God, who is not bound by any concept of reasoned goodness and whose transcendent otherness is so exalted that human reason becomes a diminished irrelevance. On the other side, if science makes no room for anything other than “mathematical and empirical elements” then,

“ it is man himself who ends up being reduced, for the specifically human questions about our origin and destiny, the questions raised by religion and ethics, then have no place within the purview of collective reason as defined by ‘science’ ... and must thus be relegated to the realm of the subjective. The subject then decides, on the basis of his experiences, what he considers tenable in matters of religion, and the subjective ‘conscience’ becomes the sole arbiter of what is ethical. In this way, ... ethics and religion lose their power to create a community and become a completely personal matter. This is a dangerous state of affairs for humanity, as we see from the disturbing pathologies of religion and reason which necessarily erupt when reason is so reduced that questions of religion and ethics no longer concern it.”
Christianity itself, in Benedict’s view, represented a synthesis between “Hellenic reason” and “Jewish historical experience” -- between the logical mind and seemingly haphazard, mysterious events.

Benedict went on to criticise the Reformation’s attempt to “de-hellenize” Christianity, by purging it of its philosophical moorings. This, he said, ultimately led to Kant’s cleavage between reason and faith which, as much as irredentist scientific empiricism, consigned faith to the realm of purely idiosyncratic fantasies based on arbitrarily accepted beliefs.

Benedict returned to this theme again in his encyclical Spe Salvi (2007) which critiqued the “disturbing step” taken when Francis Bacon (Novus Organum) substituted “faith and practice” (Ora et Laboro) with “science and praxis.” (Spe Salvi § 16) “Faith in progress,” Benedict wrote, was misplaced because “man can never be redeemed simply from outside.... This kind of hope is deceptive. Science can contribute greatly to making the world and mankind more human. Yet it can also destroy mankind and the world unless it is steered by forces that lie outside it...” (Spe Salvi § 25)

In denouncing the modern world’s idolatrization of Cartesian rationalism Benedict was following his mentor and collaborator, the Catholic theologian, Hans Urs von Balthasar, who wrote that

"...whenever the relationship between nature and grace is severed (as happens... where 'faith' and 'knowledge' are constructed as opposites), then the whole of worldly being falls under the dominion of 'knowledge', and the springs and forces of love immanent in the world are overpowered and finally suffocated by science, technology and cybernetics. The result is a world without women, without children, without reverence for love in poverty and humiliation — a world in which power and the profit-margin are the sole criteria, where the disinterested, the useless, the purposeless is despised, persecuted and in the end exterminated — a world in which art itself is forced to wear the mask and features of technique.”
Thus, in the Benedictine view, faith versus reason; church versus state; production versus prayer are each breakdowns in the proper relationship, springing from either a pathology of empiricism or a pathology of “transcendent” fundamentalism or both.

The Challenge of Kulturfriedens.

It would be a certain mistake to think that Benedict had travelled all the way to Parliament simply to throw down the gauntlet of a counter kulturkampf. On the contrary he used his trip to call for a culture of co-participation founded in respectful dialogue. His cryptic allusions to the Nazi era are not to be understood as gratuitous insults to present or past British governments.

In the Church’s view (or at least that of Pius and Benedict), the Nazi sin was not to found in its ultimate wages but in the apple from which ate -- or perhaps better said, in the number apples on which it gorged itself.

To minds brought up on the myths of rationalism it appears an oxymoron to speak of “superstitious reason”. But, in Latin, the word super-stitio means “to carry too far” or, as Pope Pius XI had put it, to take otherwise good and necessary things and exalt them “beyond their standard value.” What is that value? It is hard to specify other than to say, in a rather Hellenic way, that it is a question of moderation. But either faith or reason “carried too far” become the pathological opposites of what they truly should be.

Among western propaganda-historians Nazism is excoriated as “medievalism”, “romanticism” and an “outburst of fanatical racism.” But, in its origins, Nazism was rather an outbreak of extreme and utopian rationalism. It was the very attempt to streamline, modernize, rationalise and unify society that provided the very thing that enthused young Germans and caused admiration abroad.

Hitler was a social darwinist who took a cold hard look at the circumstances. Was life nasty brutish and short? Empirical observation would conclude so. Was Germany surrounded by enemies? Undeniably. Was all natural life a struggle between species and individuals? Does nature show otherwise? Is the race to the swiftest the strongest? Yes. Does the pack leader therefore have to provide for his pack? Yes. Combining these hard realities with a utopian vision for the future he went on to ask: Do people need sunlight, fresh air, vacations, space for production work and leisure? Yes. Should a people feel ashamed for their country? No. Should they take pride in themselves, their traditions and their scientific and cultural accomplishments? Yes. Should art and music serve to inspire and ennoble? Yes. Should diet, exercise and education aim to produce men and women who are peace loving but unafraid, hard and yet altruistic, healthy and happy? Yes! yes!! and again, yes !!!

Over and over, the Nazis asked hard factual questions and came up with empirically correct and logical answers. Nowhere was this more evident than in the Nazi euthanasia program.

Were morons, physical defectives and the incurably sick useful for any purpose? No. Did they themselves suffer? Yes. Were they a burden on society? Yes. As stated in a poster, "Folk Comrades, it costs 60,000 marks to keep these defectives alive. It's your money." And in this way Nazi Germany became a place “where the disinterested, the useless, the purposeless is despised, persecuted and in the end exterminated.”


Pope Benedict has good cause to know of this because his cousin was exterminated by the euthanasia programme. It was no a pathology of faith that caused it, but a pathology of reason, ruthlessly seeking to determine all things.

It was precisely here that the Gospels offered a corrective veto on reason gone astray; for St. Luke tells us that God exalted the humble and lowly as his handmaiden. And it was Jesus who, applying the exhortations of the prophets, befriended the outcast, the infirm, the sinful and reminded us that as is done to the least of us so is done unto the Son of God himself.

There is no reason to believe or assent to any of this. From a logical point of view such exhortations are “arbitrary value judgements” which have no practical benefit and little logical underpinning. Valuing the lame, the defective, the lacking, the poor was certainly not a pagan virtue and one would have a hard time locating such Jeremiahds in the most exalted writings of Aristotle of Plato. It was precisely here that faith and history entered the picture.

Benedict made no attempt to convince anyone of the “truth” of christian values or to argue people into faith. Such arguments have a long track record of proving pointless. It was for this reason, that Benedict had recourse instead to an historical argument based on the factual premise that, in its genesis, Europe was Christian. It was a fact no one could reasonably deny and which gave rise to a further premise; namely, the acceptance, in general, of those beliefs, practices and values identified as “Christian.”

But in arguing for the complimentary role of faith in the reasoned councils of politics, Benedict also had resort to an historical correlative and it was here that his allusions to Nazi Germany came into play. For it was the Nazis’ uncompromising rationalism idolatrised into a cult of necessity and into a racial egoism that lead to the “catastrophe that baffle[d] the imagination.”

What the experience of history shows is that a society that reduces religion to a barely tolerated matter of private (and hence politically impotent) idiosyncracies, that equates freedom with a skeptical relativity of values, and that views the economy as a self-justifying, self-sustaining mechanism was engaged in the same kind of rationalist-superstition that drove National Socialist project for a New Germania.

In contrast, as the Pope had stated in recalling the work of his namesake, “in order to create new and lasting unity, political, economic and juridical instruments are important, but it is also necessary to awaken an ethical and spiritual renewal which draws on the Christian roots of the Continent, otherwise a new Europe cannot be built. Without this vital sap, man is exposed to the danger of succumbing to the ancient temptation of seeking to redeem himself by himself - a utopia which in different ways, in 20th-century Europe, ... has caused "a regression without precedent in the tormented history of humanity". (General Audience, April 2008)


Summary.

The often conflictive dialectic between Church and State, between the imperatives of power and the imperatives of charity, between faith and reason have defined and informed European civilization. Along with his predecessors dating to Gregory the Great, Benedict insists that the Church has both an animating and corrective role to play in social and political life. In this respect, Benedict’s addresses and admonitions were nothing new, although the setting was striking in its conciliatory symbolism.

However in addition to continuity, history provided a further argument that weighed in the Church’s favour. The conflicts over simony, benefices, marriage and education, and law were essentially wrangles over who was responsible for the social order. But the cosmology of the order itself was not in question. All that changed in the 17th and 18th centuries. The French Revolution gave political force to philosophical doubts and launched the first of several all-out attacks on the concept of religion itself. The natural, often haphazard, evolution of society was replaced by planned utopias ab tabula rasa, man determining for himself the measure of all things unconstrained by precedent or condition, and hence the living experience of “saints departed”.

The “pathological” episodes of the 20th century and their attendant horrors are undeniable. Were these just a matter of defective man having more perfect tools at his disposal, or was something else at work? In the Church’s view, an evil of degree morphosed into a particular evil in kind typified by boastful and superstitious rationalism.

In view of this historical progression, standing at the threshold of a new age raises the uncertain question as to what kind of new age that will be.


© Woodchip Gazette, 2010
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